NATO’s grim legacy to Afghanistan

Good night Kabul . . .

Those of us who have spent time in Afghanistan – specifically with members of its  Army (ANA) and Police Force (ANP)  – will not be surprised by Ben Anderson’s pessimistic documentary about NATO’s legacy. He finds “a drug addled police force that kidnaps locals and sells its weapons”.

Ben writes, “Handing over security operations in Afghanistan to the Afghans is “proceeding very well”, Philip Hammond, the defence secretary, said on a recent visit to Helmand. “The Afghans are developing capabilities faster than we expected.” He was echoing the unbridled optimism of many British and American officials.

Having just returned from five weeks in Sangin — the most violent district in Afghanistan’s most violent province — I cannot see any reason for such optimism.

The police in particular are behaving so badly that it would not be a surprise to see local people welcoming a return of the Taliban, seeing them as a bulwark against spectacular corruption and violence, just as they did when the Taliban first swept to power.

The police, often illiterate and drug-addicted, use child soldiers, kidnap civilians, fire indiscriminately and sell the weapons and fuel that we have paid for. Police commanders routinely abduct and sexually abuse young boys.

That this is happening in Sangin is particularly galling when so many have died there — 109 British troops and many more Afghan civilians — so that the Afghan government can operate in areas previously controlled by the Taliban.

Today the patrol bases that coalition troops fought so hard to establish have largely been abandoned. The 500 US marines in Sangin stay on the relatively safe forward operating base. Most spend their time lifting weights and counting down the days until they can come home. For them the war is already over.

Only two teams of 18 US marines leave the main base to “advise” the Afghan army and police. The police advisory team covers 34 patrol bases: its members visit each base once every three weeks on average. Some visits last about 20 minutes, some 4-5 hours. Either way, the teams are advising, not training. “As an adviser you’re a dog with a lot of bark and not a lot of bite,” says Major Bill Steuber, who is in charge of the police advisory team. “If we were to shut down all of their corruption schemes you would render them ineffective.”

Steuber is a bear of a man, square-jawed and with the sides of his head shaved almost bald. He seems incapable of lying or even using euphemisms. When he explains what he has to contend with every day, he flinches at the sound of his own words. “It [the police corruption] is vast, everything from skimming ammunition off their supplies to skimming fuel off their shipments. There’s false imprisonment — they’ll take people: during an engagement they’ll just wrap everyone up; then they’ll wait for the families to come in and pay them money to release them.”

He also says the police regularly sell ammunition and weapons in the local bazaar, including rocket-propelled grenades. So, weapons we have paid for could well be ending up in the hands of the Taliban.

While Steuber attempts to influence the police leadership, his men check on the patrol bases dotted all over Sangin. At one the marines spell out the new reality to a police commander: “You have to learn to operate as if we weren’t here,” says Lieutenant Sharp. “You have to learn to walk out on your own.” The two men sit on a rug in the middle of the police base. Behind them is a huge marijuana plant. Nearby two policemen lean on each other, sometimes snoozing, barely aware of what’s going on around them.

The police commander wants the marines to raid a factory making improvised explosive devices and he is annoyed that they won’t do it. “If you don’t help us then we’d be crazy to patrol and kill ourselves and see our friends killed,” he snaps. “You came here for our Afghanistan, to build it for us. But the way in which you are building it is to ignore the enemy and the IEDs I show you.”

He also complains that he has only 10 AK-47s for 20 men and one useless PKM machinegun without a barrel. He eventually agrees to come up with a plan to raid the IED factory within five days. Two days later the marines are told he has taken unannounced leave.

At a checkpoint the marines tell the police to fill some sandbags to fortify their base. Some of the policemen are so high they can’t stand up straight. Snot drips from the nose of one; he swats it away and then looks at his hand, trying to work out what it is. I’d seen one of them smoking a large joint when we arrived, but I’m sure these men are on heroin. They eventually get bored with filling sandbags and pull over some civilians to finish the work.

Then someone fires three shots at the nearby watchtower. Two policemen, who are on the roof of the watchtower rather than in it, fire back, even though they haven’t seen the shooter and there are civilians nearby. A huge marine sergeant-major is soon towering over the elf-like deputy commander, asking: “What are you shooting at?”

“Taliban,” says the policeman, through the marines’ translator, “in those gardens.” He is pointing, but also laughing. He starts making childlike shooting noises, jabbing his finger up at the marine as if it were a pistol.

“Show me the Taliban!” yells the marine. “Professionals don’t do that. Professionals make sure they know their target and what lies beyond their target.”

The policeman clearly does not understand the problem. “It doesn’t matter. It doesn’t make any difference,” he says. “The civilians are also Taliban.”

The marine continues trying to teach him: “Professionals don’t just shoot out into the crowd. You’re supposed to be professionals.” The translator has stopped translating because it is clearly pointless.

A few weeks later one of the policemen from the same base was shot in the back. The US medics who saved him found a bag of heroin in his pocket.

There are much bigger problems. Every base has at least one “chai boy”, who usually looks between 11 and 15 years old. They serve tea and sometimes wear uniforms but this may be to hide the real reason for their presence. Police commanders often see it as their right to abduct a local boy from his family and keep him as a servant and a sex slave. Steuber nods towards a commander who has entered the police headquarters car park. “You’ve got a patrol base commander who we know is kidnapping boys and sexually molesting them.”

The problem is widespread. In the past five weeks four boys have been shot while trying to escape police commanders, three of them fatally. One boy was shot in the face. “Try working with child molesters, working with people who are robbing people, murdering them. It wears on you after a while,” Steuber said.

After the fourth boy was shot, Steuber confronted the deputy police chief and urged him to act. The deputy chief admitted his officers were abusing boys, but claimed the boys went to the patrol bases willingly. He eventually agreed to carry out Steuber’s plan — turning up at patrol bases at dawn and arresting the commanders who kept young boys. But two hours later he cancelled the operation and, to this day, the chai boys have not been freed. These incidents are common and the Afghans know it.

General John Allen, the outgoing commander of Nato forces in Afghanistan, was even more upbeat than Hammond in describing what we are leaving behind: “Afghan forces defending Afghan people and enabling the government of this country to serve its citizens. This is victory. This is what winning looks like and we should not shrink from using these words.”

The Afghan government says it is fighting corruption and that the police and army are ready and willing to take full responsibility for the security of their country.

What we are actually leaving behind is an uncertain and terrifying future for the Afghans. The trip to Sangin was my ninth in the past six years. It was also the most worrying because it was the clearest glimpse I have had of what that future looks like.

It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that we are leaving not because we have achieved our goals, but because we have given up on them.”

Ben Anderson’s film, Mission Accomplished? Secrets of Helmand, will be broadcast on Monday 25th February – BBC1, Panorama  at 8.30pm. 

 

Getty Images leads ‘A Day Without News?’ campaign.

A Day Without News?20 Feb 2013

A Day Without News?

“Our goal is to see the successful prosecution of perpetrators of war crimes against journalists and to increase public awareness – and support from within the media community – for those organisations that are dedicated to this issue.”

 

I make no apologies for  hi-jacking the text below – it’s the message that counts, not the  messenger. By supporting this campaign you are supporting all those writers, film-makers and photographers  who make it impossible for people to say ‘I didn’t know what was going on’. – Glyn Strong

 “On 22 February  2012, war correspondent, Marie Colvin  and photojournalist Rémi Ochlik were killed in Syria. Another 88 photojournalists and correspondents were killed in war zones in 2012 alone. It was the deadliest year on record, according to Reporters Without Borders, with a 33% increase in journalists killed. Committee to Protect Journalists reports further that since 1992, 971 journalists have been killed – “588 journalists were killed with complete impunity and 172 journalists were killed in combat.”

Aidan Sullivan, vice president at Getty Images, wants to do something effective about that.

He is leading the campaign A Day Without News? to make sure the world understands both the vital role correspondents and photojournalists play and the risks they face when reporting from war zones. Sullivan, Christiane Amanpour, chief international correspondent, CNN and Kira Pollock, director of photography, Time Magazine, are backing the campaign which aims to develop legal agendas to stop journalists from being targeted in conflict areas, and seek justice and prosecutions for the death of media in war zones.  The campaign launches on the one year anniversary of the deaths of Colvin and Ochlik, February 22nd 2013. The website will go live and invite people to add their names to the growing list of supporters of the initiative. People will be encouraged to spread the word.

Tweet it-Blog it-Like it-Post it-Forward it-Email it. We need as many people as possible to sign the ‘support us’ button at A Day Without News?”

By advocating to governments, and partnering educational institutions and NGOs, the campaign creators intend to identify, investigate and ultimately prosecute cases where journalists and media personnel have been targeted and killed.

“Our goal is to see the successful prosecution of perpetrators of war crimes against journalists and to increase public awareness – and support from within the media community – for those organisations that are dedicated to this issue,” is the campaign’s mission.

Please do what you can.”

Halloween

Halloween: The crew of the Marie Celeste share a quiet moment enjoying the Autumn sunshine in St Katherine’s Dock after slipping into their Halloween costumes.

Veteran helping Veteran

 

Veteran helping Veteran

The iconic red-coated pensioners from the Royal Hospital Chelsea are a familiar sight at memorial and ceremonial events. A little known fact is that they interact with equal enthusiasm at less public levels – with veterans living in far more modest surroundings.

A heart-warming relationship exists between those who live at the famous Wren building in Chelsea and the inhabitants of a  veterans hostel  in East  London.

New Belvedere House is home to around 60 former soldiers, sailor and airmen who were either homeless or facing the prospect of homelessness.

All sought help through the charity Veterans Aid an organisation that has been extending the hand of friendship to ex-servicemen and women in crisis since 1932.

In-pensioner Marjorie Cole visited to deliver Harvest Festival items donated by the congregation of the Royal Hospital Chapel and took time out to talk about the bond between veterans of all ages.

Covenant – or pact with the devil?

Q. What have Radical Islamist cleric Abu Hamza al-Masri and a growing number of British soldiers got in common?

A. They are asylum seekers!

Confused? You should be! Thanks to seemingly ad hoc application of immigration laws men and women who have served in this country’s Armed Forces are being treated as ‘foreign criminals’ by UKBA.

As a series of increasingly bizarre cases come to light it is evident that theso-called ‘Military Covenant’  (work in progress?) has even less to offer than many of its critics believed.

It states that members of the Armed Forces deserve “respect and support, and fair treatment”.

And it goes even further;  ‘Special consideration is appropriate in some cases, especially for those who have given most, such as the injured and the bereaved.’

It’s evident from recent reports that ‘special consideration’ is exactly what some veterans are getting from the UKBA. Those singled out for the ‘privilege’ are Foreign and Commonwealth (F&C) service personnel and some are experiencing levels of distress that beggar not only belief, but the children, partners and families of those involved.

There are more than 7,000 of them in the British Armed Forces. Those earmarked for deportation (denied Leave to Remain or Citizenship) are unable to work, claim benefits or access the NHS for medical treatment. Covenant notwithstanding, it seems that the main lifeline for these people is a London-based charity, for veterans in crisis, Veterans Aid, that is paying for accommodation, transport, legal help – and, in one case, school meals.

Paradoxically, they would be better of as prisoners of war.

Isimeli ‘Bale’ Baleiwai served for 13 years, earned five medals and did operational tours of Bosnia, Iraq and Afghanistan. He is married to a British University graduate and has two British children. Because of a military offence that was dealt with summarily by his CO he was refused citizenship and faced with deportation to Fiji.

Poloko Hiri, from Botswana, left the Army with a glowing report and an ‘unspent’ speeding fine. He expected to start a university course; instead he was earmarked for deportation. Hiri is one of those in double jeopardy. Botswana has a Foreign Enlistment Act that will guarantee his arrest if he goes back.

A letter from UKBA dated 29 June said: “We would not normally naturalise a person with an unspent conviction unless it was a one off” minor offence (e.g. contravention of a motoring regulation).”

It goes on, “You were convicted on 17 November 2011 for speeding and fined £100”. (It would have been half that but Hiri was on an Army exercise in Canada with his unit and didn’t get the notification). “We do not consider this offence to be minor and could find no grounds to disregard it exceptionally outside out normal policy.” The extent of the problem came to light when Veterans Aid was approached for help. The charity has no political agenda and didn’t go public with its experiences until the scale and complexity of the issue became apparent.

Its CEO, Dr Hugh Milroy – a former military officer, academic and expert in social exclusion among veterans – is angry and frustrated. He’s said, “We’re not in the blame game, and this is not the Army’s fault, but I am appalled at what we are seeing.  Real long-term human suffering is being caused to people who have fallen foul of a system so complex and poorly policed that even those responsible for administering it are giving conflicting advice. This whole sorry mess exposes and makes a mockery of any so called ‘Military Covenant’ and shows it to be empty political rhetoric. If it wasn’t designed to protect people like this then what is it for?

“I suggest that the Prime Minister, whom I believe really cares about veterans, intervenes with this issue.  We need an amnesty to enable those applying to have benefits or seek work, a review of the rules and a new committee at the UKBA which includes a military element to apply some common sense.  As it stands, and until this happens, as a nation, we should hang our heads in shame at the treatment of these veterans and their families. I have been involved in this area for nearly 17 years and never come across such scandalous treatment of those who have served.  You can’t help but draw the conclusion that no one cares; it’s an inconvenient truth,  but although lip service is paid,  nothing happens.:

At first only F&C veterans sought VA’s help; but, as the publicity spread, serving soldiers, sailors and airmen started asking for advice. In Fiji, from where many are recruited, the phrase ‘military slavery’ has been used.

Veterans Aid has had more than 80 appeals for help since January, from families and individuals. With few exceptions they are so afraid of deportation that they insist on anonymity. One family where husband and wife both served face being parted because a passport took too long to arrive from their homeland. The wife, now a veteran, faces deportation and separation from her  (soldier) husband and two (British) children.

A Caribbean soldier disciplined by the Army for going AWOL but with no other civil, criminal or military offences, decided to apply for voluntary redundancy after nine years service.  Panicked by what he was hearing he took the precautionary measure of applying to the Reserve Forces so that the day after his regular service ended, he could start with the Territorial Army. He told Veterans Aid, “As a precautionary measure I decided to contact the Home Office and enquire about a possible application for naturalisation. They said my application would be denied. I have recently engaged the services of an immigration solicitor and his quoted fees are upward of £2,000!

His partner is British. The have been together since 2006 and are expecting their second child.

Is this ‘special consideration’? Or is it racism? Few of these service personnel and veterans are white; few have been promoted, despite being decorated and acquiring exemplary service records. One man seeking help with his citizenship application from a senior officer was told to complete his service and ‘f**k off back to St Vincent’.

It is certainly discriminatory to migrate ‘military’ offences to civilian life when they have no counterpart and are not relevant to those with British nationality. It is certainly discriminatory to deny an F&C soldier residency for a ‘one-off motoring offence’, regardless of what fate awaits him in his country of origin.

Britain actively recruited these men and women when it needed to make up numbers of ‘boots on the ground’ and reach ethnic target. Now, when it wants redundancies they make easy targets. Many are currently serving in Germany – how will UKBA view their applications for Leave to Remain or Citizenship?

If this country is still recruiting F&C soldiers they have a right to know what their long term ‘rewards’ are. If not, one can only ask why!

ENDS